I include Thai, Norwegian, Spanish, Indonesian, French, German, Italian, Yiddish, Hebrew, Finnish, Dutch, Japanese, Korean, Russian and a host of other languages.

我們看著政府代表在議會回答提問時左閃右避，整個高鐵方案建基於一連串的粗略估算、假設、推測，大量相關文件欠奉。而這樣一個千瘡百孔的方案，這樣一個索價669億的方案，只是因政府在議會有足夠的票數而被強行通過。

我們憤怒，因為在目前的制度下，立法會只要足夠的議員支持政府，則政府提出的方案不論如何粗疏、不論方案的潛在隱憂有多大、不論有多少人民反對，只要有足夠的票數，政府的方案便有必然順利通過的保障。

我們眼看著原本應為市民爭取最大利益的議會，因為大多數議員的親政府立場，而成了不折不扣的橡皮圖章。我們不能有任何作為。而政府為求確保「行政霸道」的情況得以延續、為求確保議會可以用多數票來繼續漠視民意，推出的新「政改方案」仍然保留功能組別，還美其名為「增加民主成份」；而正式落實全民普選的時間表仍舊付諸闕如。

政府和既得利益集團利用香港人重克制、講合作、謀發展、求效益等特質，接二連三在議會通過了影響社會、損害民眾利益的方案如迪士尼、如領匯上市。我們看到，廸士尼自開幕至今一直未曾錄得盈利；我們看到，領匯上市對公屋商戶恣意加租。這些都是因為一般民眾在議會沒有足夠的票數，沒能力否決對社會弊大於利的方案。前車可鑑，議會一日不是全民普選產生，政府便可以繼續「行政霸道」，民意則繼續在議會內被消音。

我們保持克制、要求合作、尋求對話、和平表達意見。換來的是政府強行將高鐵方案上馬、是政府強逼植根菜園村的民眾搬走、是政府斷然拒絕重新全面諮詢、是警方對示威民眾濫用胡椒噴霧、是其他支持政府的民眾推倒警方鐵馬，藉以嫁禍示威者，使不知情的人以為示威者是一如媒體描述的「暴徒」。

我相信香港人的眼睛是雪亮的，會看得出香港的示威者比之世界任何地方都要平和、克制，連日來的示威，沒有人搶掠、沒有人焚燒汽車。

高鐵方案的表決結果令人失望，但我們對不義的抗爭不應就此結束。而要終結不義制度，亟需要香港人全體一心，向政府展示我們追求普世價值在香港落實的決心。

此書。

kRiZ cPEc

二零一零年一月十八日

註：香港警察使用胡椒噴霧的程序：先作口頭警告、在兩呎外距離噴射、噴中目標後須為對方淨化及詢問對方是否患病等

11時15分，繼續。

ps. 梁國雄問得好，「政府有沒有為方案定死線…沒有的話急什麼？」

第119條寫的則是：「香港特別行政區政府制定適當政策，促進和協調製造業、商業、旅遊業、房地產業、運輸業、公用事業、服務性行業、漁農業等各行業的發展，並注意環境保護。」
而「高」鐵對米埔的潛在影響一則使天價方案違反相關國際公約，二則違背119條中的「注意環境保護」。

這樣一個使菜園村居民失去家園、違反基本法的天價方案，在立法會投贊成票的，都是政府違法的共犯。

Edited by Andrew J. Nathan and Perry Link

Ch.2: April 24-30: The April 26 Editoral

[cont'd]

Yuan Mu’s dialogue
Li Peng assigned Yuan Mu and He Dongchang to conduct a dialogue with the students…[Li] instructed them to make a strong defense of the April 26 editorial to protect the prestige of the Party and the state.
At 2.30 P.M. Yuan, He, and two other government representatives received 45 students. Yuan took a hard line through out. There was no serious problem of corruption inside the Party, he said, and Party leaders were reducing expenditures by cancelling the annual Beidaihe meeting at the beach and banning the import of expensive cars. He also denied the existence of a censorship system even though the editor-in-chief of the World Economic Herald had just been fired. Demonstrators in Beijing, Yuan claimed, were manipulated by persons behind the scenes who presented a serious threat. He and his colleagues evaded many of the students’ questions by changing the subject.

Student reaction
The tape of the Yuan Mu dialogue, broadcast on CCTV on the evening of April 29, was not well received. Students took to the streets in protest or demonstrated on their campuses in 23 cities, including Shanghai, Tianjin, Wuhan, Lanzhou, Changchun, Shenyang, Hangzhou, Changsha, Chongqing, Chengdu, and Xi’an.
The State Security Ministry reported that two-thirds of the students on five major Beijing campuses were upset by the dialogue. They complained that the participating students were primarily from the official student groups rather than real representatives of student interests, that the dialogue was not equal, and that Yuan Mu and his colleagues avoided some substantive issues. At a press conference Wang Dan and Wuerkaixi announced on behalf of the Autonomous Federation of Students in the Capital that they rejected the dialogue as phony.

Overseas coverage
On APril 30 the State Security Ministry filed a report with Zhongnanhai summarizing three main themes in foreign reporting on the events of late April:

1. The student movement had become the int’l issue of greatest concern to the Western media. From 16 to 30 April the New York Times carried 18 articles or editorials on China; the Washing post, 16; the Baltimore Sun, 13. The three major TV networks in the U.S.A. each gave the April 27 demonstration two minutes of air time. The press in other Western countries behaved similarly. The slant of the coverage was pro-student, and the media noted the Party’s 『loss of control.』 Images of smiling policemen, students climbing on military vehicles to explain democracy to the soldiers, and citizens donating cash to the demonstrators created a favorable impression. The foreign press portrayed the government’s acceptance of dialogue as a student victory.
2. The Western media exaggerated the significance of the movement, treating it as a result of deep popular dissatisfaction with the government.
3. Westerners urged the government to avoid repression, to accept the students’ criticisms, and to undertake democratic reforms. ABC television called the Chinese government a paper tiger. The negative Western press response to the APril 26 editorial helped mobilize Chinese students abroad to go to Chinese embassies to protest the editorial. A Washington Post editorial expressed hope for the collapse of communism in China.

连许志永这样温和的人都要关押，这个政府显然是卑鄙的没有前途的。牢狱之灾丝毫无损许先生的人格，反而更加让人敬重他。当局失算了。

“我希望我们是个自由幸福的国家。每个人不需要违背良心，只要靠自己的才能和品德就可以找到合适的位置；一个简单而幸福的社会，人性的善得到最大的张扬，恶得到最大的抑制；诚实、信用、友爱、互助将成为我们生活的常态，没有那么多烦恼和愤怒，每一个人脸上是纯真的笑容。”

http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_47404fc70100efcv.html

原文: https://doubleaf.com/2009/08/05/944

京 維 權 律 師 組 織 遭 查 抄

(星島日報報道)長期提供民間法律援助的北京非政府組織公盟，昨天被當地民政局取締及查抄。事發前，公盟剛剛接到巨額稅務處罰通知，公盟發言人表示正在面臨「滅頂之災」。

公盟由一批活躍的北京維權學者和律師共同組建，代理孫志剛收容致死案、毒奶粉受害家長案、胡佳案、鄧玉嬌案、四川豆腐渣工程案等敏感案件，在民間享有極高知名度。

據悉，公盟於本月十四日接到稅務部門的行政處罰通知，擬追繳及處罰漏稅合共一百四十二萬多元人民幣，其中包括針對境外機構資助的合作項目。昨天，北京民政局再以「非法活動」為由，發文取締公盟的下屬法律研究中心，並同時採取了查抄行動，於公盟辦公地點查抄了包括數台電腦在內的物品。

公盟的法定代表、維權律師許志永透過網絡表示，公盟是非盈利的公益組織，生存全靠社會各界捐助，沒有任何盈餘卻被處罰所得稅，令公盟本來就很窘逼的財務捉襟見肘。

公盟另一主要成員張立輝接受本報採訪時表示，公盟本應到民政局註冊為社團組織，可是一直不被允許，只能以工商部門登記註冊為納稅企業。他強調，稅務處罰不合理而且過重，又加上民政局的取締查抄，名義上雖只是針對公盟的下屬法律研究中心，但公盟的整體存在已經堪虞。

2009-07-18

在街上聽到一個男的在講電話，說：「仲以為佢可以捱到十一點…點知我瞓醒個風就走左…打風嘅key point就係可以睇到記者俾風吹到企都企唔穩…走左，無野睇…」

變態。

Lay down your head and I’ll sing you a lullaby
Back to the years of loo-li lai-lay
And I’ll sing you to sleep and I’ll sing you tomorrow
Bless you with love for the road that you go

May you sail far to the far fields of fortune
With diamonds and pearls at your head and your feet
And may you need never to banish misfortune
May you find kindness in all that you meet

Chorus:
May there always be angels to watch over you
To guide you each step of the way
To guard you and keep you safe from all harm
Loo-li, loo-li, lai-lay

May you bring love and may you bring happiness
Be loved in return to the end of your days
Now fall off to sleep, I’m not meaning to keep you
I’ll just sit for a while and sing loo-li, lai-lay

(Chorus)

Loo-li, loo-li, lai-lay…

Zombie – The Cranberries
Another head hangs lowly
Child is slowly taken
And the violence cause of silence
Who are we mistaken?

But you see, it’s not me, it’s not my family
In your head, in your head they are fighting
With their tanks and their bombs
And their bombs and their guns
In your head, in your head, they are crying

In your head, in your head
Zombie, zombie, zombie
Hey, hey, hey
What’s in your head, in your head
Zombie, zombie, zombie?
Hey, hey, hey, hey
Oh, do, do, dou, do, do, dou, do, do
Dou, do, do, dou, dou, do, do, dou

Another mother’s breakin’
Heart is taking over
When the violence ’causes silence
We must be mistaken

It’s the same old theme since 1916
In your head, in your head they’re still fighting
With their tanks and their bombs
And their bombs and their guns
In your head, in your head they are dying

In your head, in your head
Zombie, zombie, zombie
Hey, hey, hey
What’s in your head, in your head
Zombie, zombie, zombie?
Hey, hey, hey, hey
Oh, oh, oh oh, oh, oh, oh, hey, oh, yaa, yaa
zombie

『Unless Iranians are able to share information freely over the coming weeks, their voices may be silenced…』

Click here to Donate now to break the Iranian blackout

Edited by Andrew J. Nathan and Perry Link

Ch.2: April 24-30: The April 26 Editoral

[cont'd]

The student demonstration in Beijing on April 27 was the largest since the protests began, and it was echoed in other cities around the country. It put Li Peng in an awkward position. he had expected the April 26 editorial to pacify the students, but obviously it had only added fuel to the fire… After talking with Yang Shangkun and others, Li Peng decided to hold an enlarged meeting of the Standing Committee of the Politburo on the afternoon of April 28 to revisit the question of how to put down the student movement. There were no differences on fundamental principle at the meeting, but the speakers revealed different opinions on how to deal with the student movement. Without contradicting one another directly, some members stressed the good intentions of the students and their popular support, others their links with dissidents and hostile foreign forces…the meeting concluded that dialogue with the students should be pursued. It was decided that the official All-china Students’ Federation and Beijing Municipal Students’ Federation would arrange for a roundtable dialogue between representatives of Beijing Students and State Council Spokesman Yuan Mu; He Dongchang, vice minister of the SEC; Yuan Liben general secretary of the Municiapl Committee, among others, on the Afternoon of April 29…At the same time, officials in all departments of the Stat council as well as Party and government leaders at the province level were to begin multilevel, multichannel with students.

April 29 – Jiang Zemin rectifies the World Economic Herald

Jiang zemin’s purge of the Shanghai newspaper World Economic Herald was a seminal event in the 1989 democracy movement. It led to extensive protests by journalists across China and strengthened Zhao ziyang’s determination to pursue press reform. On the other hand, it also became political capital for Jiang Zemin, whose credit in the eyes of Deng Xiaoping and the older Elders for quashing the Herald was a factor propelling him into position as the new general secretary of the Party.

Excerpts from Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, 『Report on the situation in rectifying the World Economic Herald,』 report to the CCP Central Committee, April 29
On April 20 the Propaganda Dept of the Shanghai Party Committee learned from the April 17 issue of the Hong Kong newspaper Overseas Chinese Daily that the World Economic Herald (henceforth Herald) was planning to establish a column to memorialize Comrade Hu Yaobang. On the afternoon of April 21 Zeng Qinghong, deputy secretary of the Shanghai Party Committee, and Chen Zhili, director of the Propaganda Dept, met with Qin Benli, editor-in-chief of the Herald in order to understand recent events of thought and how they related to the Herald. Comrade Qin Benli said that the Herald did indeed intend to devote several pages in a coming issue to memorial symposium that the Herald and the magazine New Observations had convened in Beijing on April 19. Comrade Zeng and Chen asked to see the proofs as soon as possible…[they] received the proofs at 4:30 P.M., April 22, and after reading the proofs they had their office called Qin to arrange a meeting.

At 8:30 that evening, Zeng and other comrades met with Qin to discuss issue 439 of the Herald. They patiently pointed out that in the long Herald article, which ran to about 20,000 Chinese characters, some sensitive parts seemed unfit for publication. At the time, students were still on the streets and holding meetings, and extremist individuals were shouting improper, even reactionary, slogans. Teachers and officials at universities had been working hard, day and night, to keep the students in check and to ensure that mourning activities for Comrade Yaobang moved ahead properly. At such a time, one must consider the social effects of propaganda work.Therefore they suggested the deletion of remarks by Yan Jiaqi, Dai Qing, and others blaming comrade Deng Xiaoping, urging that comrade Hu Yaobang’s ‘mistakes’ be reconsidered, and demanding that the verdicton bourgeois liberalization be 『reversed』…Comrade Qin replied, 『I’ll take full responsibility if anything goes wrong…』Comrade Zeng Qinghong said, 『this isn’t about who takes responsibility; it’s about the overall effects on society…』

On the afternoon of April 23 the Party Committee again demanded that the Herald redo its editing…But that very evening comrade Qin held an editorial meeting at his home at which he said, 『I don’t think we ever did anything wrong. Those deleted parts are what we wanted to say.』

On the twenty-sixth the Party Committee convened a meeting of its secretariat at 1 A.M. and a meeting of the Party Standing Committee at 10 A.M. to discuss the Herald problem. These meetings reaffirmed that the uncorrected version of issue 439 could not be distributed. Since comrade Qin Benli was in serious violation of discipline, he would be dismissed as editor-in-chief and as a member of the Party group in Shanghai, and the Herald would be 『rectified』.

The Shanghai student movement had not been very active before the Herald incident. Jiang Zemin knew, though, that rectifying the Herald would elicit a strong reaction from students as well as journalists. Moving quickly, he met on April 27 with the heads of all institutions of higher learning in Shanghai to study and analyze recent trends on the campuses. Speaking for the Party Committee, Jiang presented educators with six demands, the last one of which was:
『Be prepared for a long struggle – Each campus should have two working groups: one to focus on the daily work of education and the other to deal with unforseen incidents and to concentrate on keeping things stable.』

As Jiang was spelling the countermeasures, a storm of protest over the Shanghai Party Committee rectification of the Herald was brewing in the news media in Shanghai. Eventually it spread to the whole country.

Edited by Andrew J. Nathan and Perry Link

Ch.2: April 24-30: The April 26 Editoral

[cont'd]

Student response to the editorial
Before the April 25 broadcast and the April 26 editorial, there were reports from around the country that students were growing tired after ten days of demonstrations and that organizers were seeking ways to keep the movement alive. But the editorial created an explosive reaction that pushed the student movement to a new high.

A 7.30P.M. State Security Ministry report from Peking Univ. said the editorial had been broadcast repeatedly throughout the campus from 6:30 P.M. on. Students debated its meaning, some fearing that the government would soon start arresting people, others insisting that the movement should be carried on at least until May Fourth. A 10:40 P.M. report said that students from People’s Univ. marched through the univ. district to other campuses calling for support to continue the boycott of classes, then returned to their own campus to avoid a clash with a group of eight hundred police. A 10:50 P.M. report noted that student leaders were meeting to decide how to respond to the editorial. Youth League leaders and professors were aquoted as saying the government line was too harsh, the label ‘turmoil’ was unfair, the reversal from the previously tolerant policy was too sharp, and matters would not have come to this extreme if the government had agreed to enter into some form of dialogue with the students.

April 26: Responses from the provinces
Each provincial-level Party Committee responded to the editorial and the telegram from the Central Committee and the State Council by holding an urgent meeting of its own standing committee and reporting back to the Center. These reports expressed support fro Deng’s position and described how the Center’s decision was to be applied in each locality.

April 26-29: Response in the Military
After the April 26 editorial was published, the General Political Department of the PLA distributed an urgent notice requiring all officers and soldiers to study the editorial carefully and instructing high-ranking officers conscientiously to 『grasp the spirit』 of Deng Xiaoping’s remarks…Although they backed Party Central in their responss, some units noted that officers hoped the Center would stick to the path of reform and resolve some of the problems the students were highlighting.

Response of higher education officials
In the three days after the publication of the editorial the state Security Ministry and Xinhua News Agency sent 36 reports to Zhongnanhai on the reactions of various social strata. Many citizens felt that the editorial was too harsh – that it 『defined the nature of the incident at too high a level of seriousness』 – and that it was not helpful to resolving the problem.
The reports described widespread sympathy and protective feelings for the students among univ. presidents and other high-ranking Party and admin. officials. Some of these officials were cited by name as stating that the April 26 editorial had exaggerated the danger of the demonstrations, widened the gap between the students and the government, and removed the basis for dialogue that might have led to a smooth resolution of the student’s grievances. One official revealed that on his campus, 2/3 of faculty members were refusing to attend meetings to study the editorial. Others pointed out that the blame for the demonstrations ultimately lay in the failing of the Party itself, without which the students would have no need to protest.

April 27: April 27 demonstrations
On April 27 huge student demonstrations in opposition to the editorial swept major cities. They occurred not only in cities where demonstrations had already taken place, such as shanghai, Tianjin, Changchun, Xi’an, Wuhan, Nanjing, Hanzhou, Hebei, Changsha, Chengdu, and Chongqing, but also in cities where demonstrations now broke out for the first time: Shenyang, Dalian, Shijiazhuang, Jinan, nanning, Kunming, Shanzhen, Yinchuan, and Guilin.

A State Security Ministry report to the Zhongnanhai described the April 27 Beijing demonstration. It said 50,000 students* from many campuses had marched through the city, maintaining good order throughout and creating a favorable impression among bystanders. Students carried banners, including one that bore quotations from Deng xiaoping and Lenin in favor of demoncracy. They sang the song 『Without the CCP there would be no new China』 and elicited tears from bystanders when they shouted, 『Mama, we haven’t done anything wrong.』 In high sripits and under tight discipline, they avoided clashes with police and troops, and to minimize provocation, they returned to their campuses by way of the 2nd Ring road instead of passing through Tiananmen Square. Public Security Officials analyzed all this as part of a student strategy to seize the high ground and avoid charges of counterrevolution, which could land a person quickly in prison.

* According to another source: There were half a million people in Beijing alone that took to the street on April 27, 1989.